The new pattern of competitions and the probability of war among powerful states

Problem Identification and Background For a long time, the global capitalistic society has enjoyed a long period of stability. However, in the early 2000s, economic stability in western nations threatened this stability (Li, 2012, p. 1). Since this period, America has experienced several economic and political changes.Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on The new pattern of competitions and the probability of war among powerful states specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More For example, the US has experienced several internal and external fiscal imbalances (characterized by debt-financing, consumption-led expansions, and a growing current account deficit) (Li, 2012, p. 1). Within this time, China has emerged as the dominant player in the global capitalist economy by sustaining most of the world’s economic growth (both in China and around the world). America has been unable to counter this growth. The endless wars that the US has fought in the Middle East have also added to the country’s failure to counter-check China’s growing dominance in global politics. Instead, such wars only threaten America’s position as the main center of global political power. Consequently, the rising dominance of China in the global political space has created tension in Sino-American relations. Now, the future of international relations between China and the United States (U.S) is unpredictable. Several researchers have explained the outcome of the relationship between China and the US by suggesting two outcomes – war, or peace. Deeper analyses of the Sino-American relations highlight a shifting power balance in favor of China. For example, Buono Lara (2007, p. 324) say with the periodic economic problems faced by the US, an opportunity for creating multiple centers of power in global politics has emerged. Evidence of this claim exists from the expansion of international relations between the EU, Russia, and China (among other emerging global powers). Buono Lara (2007, p. 324) believe some of these great world powers (including France) recognize the need to have a multi-polar reconstruction of world power to replace the single-power strategy (unipolar strategy) perfected by the US. Predominantly, China plays a central role in the realization of this multi-power strategy. For example, China has threatened America’s position as the ultimate global power. For instance, it has replaced America as the ultimate power in the Organization of Pacific Asian Cooperation (APEC) (Buono Lara, 2007, p. 324).Advertising Looking for research paper on international relations? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More China is also the greatest commercial partner in South America, after displacing America in most commercial partnership contracts within the continent. For example, the Asian giant has signed different trade agreements with the main economic powers in South America, including Venezuela, Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, and Cuba (Buono Lara, 2007, p. 324). Some of these countries (for example, Venezuela) have accorded China unlimited access to their vast energy reserves. The dominance of China in the global economic space has challenged America’s political and economic dominance in global politics. To support this view, Buono Lara (2007) say, â€Å"The commercial and investment agreements between Venezuela, Brazil, and Columbia, and the central strategic role played by Cuba in inviting China to these trade agreements, was a setback for Washington† (p. 324). A similar global dominance of China has occurred in Asia. For example, in 2005, China and India signed several trade agreements to influence global politics (Buono Lara, 2007, p. 324). Both emerging global powers intended to do so by using their combined populations, which amount to more than a third of the global populati on, to influence the global market. These developments show that the US is slowly losing its grip in global politics, as it is becoming unlikely that it could impose its will on global issues, in the future. The shifting global power of world politics from the US to China raises anxiety that America may resort to war with China to maintain its position as the center of global power (according to the neo-realism view). Proponents of the neo-realism view have advanced several reasons to explain why this likelihood is possible. For example, they say, â€Å"a generalized existing broadening of international conflicts may lead to a Sino-American war, if it is fuelled by the same market that has generated armed conflicts in the past† (p. 324).Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on The new pattern of competitions and the probability of war among powerful states specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More This paper inve stigates the possibility that great states (like America and China) would go to war to maintain their power. Central to this analysis are the roles of the neo-realism and the power transition theories in predicting such an outcome. Research Questions and Hypothesis Research Question To what extent does competition among great powers lead them to war? Hypothesis The probability of a new world war between China and the US is low, even if the intentions of great powers to wage wars are high. Detailed Topic Description Offensive realism is an ideology that strives to explain the aggressive nature of international relations. Mearsheimer (2007, p. 18) developed this theory during the Second World War by asserting the probability of conflict in international relations. This theory outlines the importance of the structural capabilities of nation-states to engage in war, when they want to maintain their dominance as centers of global power. Drawing from the principles of the neo-liberali sm theory, King (2008, p. 12) says that national security dominates the priority of nation-states. Proponents of this theory highlight the difficulty of controlling international relations as a recipe for war (they believe there is no regulatory institution for regulating international relations). They also believe that power-preventing misbehavior is the most effective framework for deterring nations from going to war (King, 2008, p. 12). The offensive realism theory is also pessimistic about the prospects of long-term relations among nation-states because of the competitive nature of these actors. Referring to this view, Mearsheimer (2007) says, â€Å"States favor self-help measures and relative short-term gains above cooperation and absolute long-term gains† (p. 18). Furthermore, King (2008, p. 12) says the relationships between nation-states are anarchical and untrustworthy. Often, this mistrust leads to misunderstandings and misinterpretations of state actions, thereby l eading to war. The offensive realism theory premises its ideologies on five principles. The first principle outlines that the world’s most powerful nations are the main players in international politics. Within this principle, the theory also underscores the importance of looking at international politics as anarchical (Wirtz Fortmann, 2004, p. 52).Advertising Looking for research paper on international relations? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More The offensive realism theory also stipulates that these powerful states possess some level of offensive military capability. Through the possession of these military capabilities, nation-states are often wary of the intentions of other states on their welfare (and particularly the implications of these intentions on their national security). This background highlights the fourth principle of the offensive realism theory, which underscores the importance of survival, as the main preoccupation of nation-states in international politics (King, 2008, p. 12). Lastly, the offensive realism theory suggests that nation-states are rational entities and therefore make rational decisions that ensure their survival in international politics. Like the offensive realism theory, the power transition theory suggests the existence of war during power transitions in global politics. This theory paints a grim picture of international politics because it suggests nation-states buy military arsenal to a ttack other states that threaten their power, or dominance, in international politics. Mearsheimer (2007, p. 19) has been the greatest supporter of the offensive realism and power transition theories. His main ideological departure from proponents of defensive realism is the level of military arsenal needed to safeguard national security. While proponents of defensive realism theories say nation-states, need only â€Å"adequate† military arsenal to keep their countries safe, Mearsheimer (2007, p. 18) believes that nation-states need a lot of military power to protect national security. Furthermore, unlike the proponents of defensive realism, who believe that nation-states use their military arsenal to preserve the status – quo, the political transition theory suggests that most nations are power-hungry entities, which do not hesitate to attack other countries to increase their global influence (Wunderlich, 2007, p. 18). The political transition theory therefore says th at the international political system harbors the greatest motives for nation-states to â€Å"fight† because there is no central authority that would prevent them from doing so. Since this situation creates anarchy within the international system, proponents of the political transition theory believe that nation-states would eliminate the uncertainty surrounding the intention of other states on their national security by adopting aggressive military strategies to maintain their power (Wunderlich, 2007, p. 18). Such states would also increase their military capabilities and use them at the expense of other states. To explain this view, Mearsheimer (2007) said, â€Å"Great powers recognize that the best way to ensure their security is to achieve hegemony now, thus eliminating any possibility of a challenge by another great power. Only a misguided state would pass up an opportunity to be the hegemonic power in the system because it thought that it already had sufficient power t o survive† (p. 35). One theory that undermines the principles of the offensive realism theory and the power transition theory is the liberalism theory. This theory suggests that the accumulation of military arsenal is irrelevant in a world where states share mutual interests (Jackson Sà ¸rensen, 2012, p. 126). Moreover, the theory posits that the existence of broad interests among states have made it difficult for countries to define national interests (SPKN, 2013, p. 1). Therefore, the protection of national interests (security), as proposed by proponents of the neo-realism theory, is irrelevant. The advancement of the liberalism theory in the 1970s prompted many researchers to say the neo-realist theory is outdated (Jackson Sà ¸rensen, 2012, p. 126). Researchers who argue this view claim proponents of the neo-realist theory do not appreciate the complexity of international politics today (SPKN, 2013, p. 1). For example, they say advancements in globalization, telecommuni cation, and global commerce have complicated international relations to the extent that simple power politics cannot explain international relations today (Jackson Sà ¸rensen, 2012, p. 126). After acknowledging the complexities of international relations, the liberalism theory advances four key principles. The first principle highlights the harsh environment of international relations, but warns against the use of military power to wade through this harsh environment (because the benefits of diplomacy often outweigh the benefits of military interventions) (SPKN, 2013, p. 3). The second principle acknowledges the existence of other forms of power (besides military power), as influential tools of solving international conflicts (Jackson Sà ¸rensen, 2012, p. 126). For example, the liberalism theory says countries can use economic and social power to solve international conflicts. Concisely, recent years have shown the effectiveness of economic power (over military force) to influen ce state actions. The third principle of the liberalism theory recognizes the existence of different interests among countries. Therefore, the assumption that security and political interests surpass all other national interests (as proposed by realists) is flawed (Jackson Sà ¸rensen, 2012, p. 126). The last principle of the liberalism theory is the acknowledgement that the existence of international rules and regulations foster international harmony through cooperation and trust (SPKN, 2013, p. 3). A classic example of the working of the liberalism theory is the existence of mutual relations between the US and other major western powers. Certainly, although the US is an influential global power, it is unimaginable to conceive the idea that it would attack other western powers because of political or economic disagreements. Indeed, America often disagrees with major western powers (and some Eastern powers) about trade rules and policies, but because of the existence of the spirit of cooperation, America would not easily attack any of these countries. To this extent, the liberalism theory explains most international relations today. Besides the realism and liberalism theories, another theory that explains the nature of international relation is the idealism theory. The concept of idealism premises on the need for morality in international relations. The concept says foreign policies should pursue a moral goal and abstain from trickery and dishonesty (SPKN, 2013, p. 4). The same theory also condemns violence as a way of solving international conflicts (Crawford, 2013, p. 1). This view shows that the principles of idealism also differ with the principles of the neo-realism theory because the latter advocates for the use of violence to solve international conflicts. A practical understanding of idealism arises from the use of idealistic principles to explain the workings of the Democratic Party in the US (SPKN, 2013, p. 4). Politicians also used the same concept to end the First World War (particularly after Woodrow Wilson vowed to promote democracy and national self-determination as a strategy for promoting global peace) (SPKN, 2013, p. 4). The existence of the same principle in explaining how countries relate with one another informs the creation of the League of Nations, which was supposed to prevent the occurrence of global conflicts. Some scholars have used the promotion of idealism during the First World War as a pillar for understanding how democracy started (Crawford, 2013, p. 1). Outcome Analysis and Results Some researchers have expressed reservations regarding the principles of the neo-realism theory to explain military aggression between China and the US. One issue that emerges as an anomaly of the theory is the existence of global and regional institutions that regulate international relations (Steiner, 2012, p. 52). This criticism emerges from the assumption (by offensive realists) that there are no regulatory frameworks to g overn international relations. Steiner (2012, p. 52) argues that many regional and international institutions govern international relations. He gives the example of the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT), the World Trade Organization (WTO), International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the European Union (EU) (among other regional bodies), as regional bodies that regulate international relations (Steiner, 2012, p. 52). He further refers to the institutionalization of security cooperation, through global security bodies, such as the North Atlantic treaty organization (NATO), as an example of a long-term security organization that prevents nation-states from fighting (Steiner, 2012, p. 52). The creation of the international criminal court (ICC) is another example of the existence of an international legal and justice body that would deter attempts by nations to engage in â€Å"needless† wars. Kruse Tuck (2012, p. 93) believe the existence of such global institutions expla in why the 21st century marks the most peaceful period in the world’s history. Indeed, violence does not dominate global politics today as it did a few years back. Historical excerpts in England show that today’s global citizen has one-fifteenth the likelihood of dying in a global war, as opposed to people who lived more than 800 years ago (Kruse Tuck, 2012, p. 93). A central argument that advances this view is the human advancement in the legal and justice systems. Certainly, today, it is difficult for any nation to engage in an open war without legal consequences (Steiner, 2012, p. 52). Through this view, Steiner (2012, p. 52) disputes the fact that nation-states would easily go to war because there are no regulatory institutions to mediate conflict. In fact, contrary to the principles of the neo-liberalism theory, the existence of security and economic cooperation has continued after the end of the cold war. Another criticism of the offensive realism theory is the peaceful transition of power from a multi-polar system to a unipolar system, during the cold war. This transition stems from the dominance of the US in the global political system (unipolar system) after the end of the communist era. The neo-liberalism theory suggests the existence of conflict between America and other global powers, such as Russia during this transition, but this did not happen. Furthermore, after the collapse of the Soviet Union and communism, China gained economic and political power to become a global power, without any war. Researchers who criticize the neo-realism theory through the absence of major wars in the past few decades also say great political powers have realized their mistakes, and would not repeat the same political errors that contributed to the First World War and the Second World War (King, 2008, p. 12). The existence of alternative strategies for solving international power transitions decrease the likelihood that America would engage in a mili tary war with other nations. The absence of war during the Cuban military crisis explains the difficulty for America to pursue a military strategy, even when other countries provoke it. Historians say the Cuban missile crisis was the closest point where the cold war almost turned out to be an armed conflict (Roberts, 2012, p. 156). On one side, Russia and Cuba joined hands to position missiles in Cuba, ready for an attack on the US. One the other hand, the US government positioned nuclear missiles in Turkey, ready to attack Moscow, Russia. However, before any of the protagonists started the war, the US proposed a blockade to stop the transportation of Russian missiles in Cuba (Roberts, 2012, p. 156). This move was an attempt by the Kennedy administration to pursue alternative strategies for solving the crisis (besides using military force). This strategy almost failed because Russia was determined to attack the US. Consequently, in an attempt to stop the blockade, the Russian army s hot down a US plane. Historians say, ideally, this action would have easily stopped all the negotiations and started the war, but it did not (Roberts, 2012, p. 156). Instead, the Kennedy administration continued with the negotiations, until both parties agreed that they would stop all hostilities. In the agreement, the US declared that it would never attack Cuba. It also committed itself to destroy all nuclear weapons positioned in Turkey, if Russia did the same in Cuba (Stern, 2012, p. 160). Eventually, the conflict ended. The Cuban missile crisis is a good example that shows how world powers can be rational and avoid military confrontation, even when they are provoked. Indeed, although all indications suggested Russia and the US would attack each other, the rationality of both countries to negotiate prevented this eventuality from happening. This example undermines the validity of the neo-realism theory in predicting how countries solve international conflicts today. A key issue t hat emerges in this analysis is the advanced nature of military arsenal that has restrained many countries from attacking one another. The containment of nuclear arsenal particularly comes to mind here because nuclear weapons are deadly and may cause widespread human deaths. Countries therefore restrain themselves from using such weapons, although they have them. This analysis shows the widespread use of the deterrence theory in explaining the absence of conflict during the cold war. Particularly, this theory shows that military intimidation and coercion are effective strategies for solving conflicts, as opposed to engaging in physical military conflicts. Therefore, the capacity that warring states have to destroy other states (through nuclear technology) is a deterrent for states to refrain from provoking one another. Therefore, according to scholars, powerful states, like Russia and America, stock nuclear weapons to intimidate one another, but not really to attack one another (Rob erts, 2012, p. 156). Since military capabilities are muted, powerful nations use alternative strategies to â€Å"fight† one another. Such strategies include proxy wars. A proxy war is an indirect confrontation between nation-states. Such types of wars involve the use of third parties to â€Å"fight† major wars. Such third parties may be allied countries, mercenaries, or non-state actors. Ideally, countries pursue this strategy when they do not want to engage in a full-blown conflict. Many countries have used this strategy, successfully. For example, this strategy characterized the cold war period when both Russia and the US could not engage each other directly in a full-blown war. Because America and Russia cannot engage in an open war, both countries have fought proxy wars on different fronts. The earliest proxy war was the Greek civil war where Russia and America aligned their troops on different sides. On one hand, Yugoslavia, Albania, and Bulgaria supported Russia in its quest to cement communist rule in Greece (Carabott Sfikas, 2004, p. 51). On the other hand, America and other western allies opposed this quest. The latter managed to win the war by repelling communist rebels away from Greece (Carabott Sfikas, 2004, p. 51). Both sides fought the communist war by funding and arming rebels to advance their ideological views. The same strategy emerged when Russia invaded Afghanistan. The US and other western allies supported the Mujahedeen regime of Afghanistan to repel Russian invasion by providing it with sophisticated weapons and financial support (Danforth Boeschoten, 2012, p. 56). The Lebanese civil war also demonstrated the same alignment of East and west political powers. Syria, Russia, and Palestine supported one wing of the rebels (Lebanese National Movement) and Israel and America supported the other protagonist, Lebanese Front, by providing it with military arsenal and financial support. Lastly, the Vietnam War is another example o f how Russia and the US engaged each other in a proxy war. On one side, the US and its western allies wanted to stop the communist aggression of a Vietnamese dictator on South Vietnam, while on the other side, China and Russia helped the Vietnamese dictator to repel American aggression (Lawrence, 2010, p. 170). Russia and China supplied Vietnam with military weapons that could repel air strikes and intimidate American forces. They also supported Vietnamese ground troops with weapons and financial support to wage war against America. The US and some of its western allies supported South Vietnam with the same financial and military strength. However, the US sent its ground troops to help South Vietnam stop communist aggression. Broadly, the war was a bold attempt by America and other anti-communist regimes to stop the spread of communism in South Vietnam. The war also aimed to cement the American dominance in global politics. However, the communist regime managed to win the war after French and American forces pulled out (Lawrence, 2010, p. 40). Consequently, the North Vietnamese government annexed South Vietnam and established it as part of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. Such kinds of proxy wars have provided an avenue for America and other dominant world powers (notably, China and Russia) to flex their military muscles without attacking each other directly. Overall, since this paper establishes that the US cannot engage in open wars with its enemies, economic warfare has emerged as the practical strategy for the US to control its hegemonic power in global politics. Indeed, the growing importance of commercial interests in the global political arena highlights the low likelihood that any serious global war would occur. This fact stems from the negative relationship that wars share with commerce. The rise and prominence of commercial interests in the global business arena mean that the commercial gains of countries working together override the need to plund er, steal, and destroy. China and the US share deep commercial interests with each other. Some of the commercial interests shared by both countries are vital to the sustenance of their economies. Therefore, it would be unlikely that both countries would engage in a war that would override these commercial interests. Globalization therefore explains the difference between the likelihood of countries to engage in war during early years, and today’s low likelihood of countries to participate in similar wars. Nonetheless, the control of oil flow to China is one economic strategy that the US has used to protect its position as the global hegemonic power. The fact that China needs oil to support its economic growth informs this strategy. This is because China’s economic growth largely supports its political power (Li, 2012, p. 5). This strategy has seen the participation of the US in several Middle East wars, such as the gulf war and the Iraq war, to protect its oil supply. Through these wars, the US has tried to ensure it controls the oil trade by ensuring a free oil flow to the US (Li, 2012, p. 5). The same objective informs its involvement in the Libyan revolution because it sought to control oil flow to China and other anti-western countries by creating a regime change. Through these examples, the politics surrounding the oil trade largely inform America’s attempts to control China’s global influence, by controlling the flow of oil to the Asian giant. However, statistics show that this strategy is failing to safeguard American interests because China has already surpassed the US as the largest crude oil importer from the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) (Spegele, 2013, p. 2). China also leads the US as the main crude oil buyer in the Middle East. The sudden emergence of China as the largest crude oil importer in the world has created tensions in the Sino-American relations. Nonetheless, the use of alternative s trategies for solving power politics eliminates the idea that America would indulge in a full-blown war with its enemies. Conclusion Although this paper recognizes the importance of the offensive realism view and the power transition theory in understanding international relations, it is highly pessimistic about the possibility of the US attacking China, or any other emerging power, to maintain its dominance in global politics. The offensive realism theory maintains that the US would attack China to maintain its hegemonic power. However, based on the peace that has existed during (and after) the cold war, the validity of the offensive realism theory is questionable. Indeed, evidence shows that during this time, there was a peaceful transition of power in the world, without any war. In its place, the liberalism theory portrays a perfect picture of the current state of international relations because evidence shows that international relation is a complex issue. However, the realism t heory portrays a simplistic idea of such relations. This paper also shows that the complex relationships between American and Chinese commercial interests surpass the need for America to maintain its power through military means. Moreover, unlike the principles of the offensive realism theory, the existence of international institutions in international politics undermines the possibility of military wars. Certainly, international bodies, such as the WTO and NATO, not only ensure the economic coordination of different countries, but also their coordination in security issues. Since there is little chance that America could attack China to maintain its hegemonic power, proxy wars are the main methods that America uses to maintain its dominant position in international politics. The Vietnam War, Afghanistan war, and the civil war in Greece are only a few examples that show how America has struggled to maintain its hegemonic power in global politics. The existence of proxy wars therefo re show that military strategies are not the only effective strategies for maintaining power. The existence of alternative strategies for maintaining power therefore appears to be the only effective strategies that America could use to maintain its hegemonic power. Indeed, its attempts to control the flow of oil resources to China define how the US intends to stop Chinese dominance. Furthermore, wars are expensive and it would take a lot of money (and other resources) to sustain a war, especially with an equally powerful country, such as China. Overall, this paper shows that the probability of a new world war between China and the US may never happen. References Buono, R., Lara, J. (2007). Imperialism, Neoliberalism and Social Struggles in  Latin America. New York, NY: BRILL. Carabott, P., Sfikas, P. (2004). The Greek Civil War: Essays on a Conflict of  Ã‚  Exceptionalism and Silences. New York, NY: Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. Crawford, R. (2013). Idealism and Realism in Internat ional Relations. London, UK: Routledge, Danforth, L., Boeschoten, R. (2012). Children of the Greek Civil War: Refugees  and the Politics of Memory. Illinois, CH: University of Chicago Press. Jackson, R., Sà ¸rensen, G. (2012). Introduction to International Relations: Theories  and Approaches. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. King, M.D. (2008). Factoring Environmental Security Issues Into National Security  Threat Assessments: The Case of Global Warming. New York, NY: ProQuest. Kruse, K., Tuck, S. (2012). Fog of War: The Second World War and the Civil  Rights Movement. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Lawrence, M. (2010). The Vietnam War: A Concise International History. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Li, M. (2012). An Age of Transition: The United States, China, Peak Oil, and the  Demise of Neoliberalism. Web. Mearsheimer, J. (2007). The Tragedy of Great Power Politics. New York, NY: Cram101 Incorporated. Roberts, P. (2012). Cuban Missile Crisis: The Esse ntial Reference Guide. New York, NY: ABC-CLIO. Spegele, B. (2013). Middle East Oil Fuels Fresh China-U.S. Tensions. Web. SPKN (2013). Theories of International Relations. Web. Steiner, M. (2012). History and Neorealism. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Stern, S. (2012). The Cuban Missile Crisis in American Memory: Myths versus  Reality. Stanford, CA: University Press. Wirtz, J., Fortmann, M. (2004). Balance of Power: Theory and Practice in the 21st  Century. Stanford, CA: University Press. Wunderlich, J. (2007). Regionalism, Globalisation and International Order: Europe  and Southeast Asia. Burlington, VA: Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. This research paper on The new pattern of competitions and the probability of war among powerful states was written and submitted by user Tamia Jefferson to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. You can donate your paper here.

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Gays Adopting Children essays You stare into a mirror. The reflection glaring back at you is one that you can barely recognize. Your skin is ghostly white and malnourished. Tears begin to stream down your emaciated cheeks, as you strain to reach up and whip them. All you have ever known is the story of abuse and neglect. The thoughts of bouncing from foster home to foster home are your fondest memories . The feeling of loneliness has engulfed you from as far back as you can remember. You visualize the beatings, the screaming, and the tears that you have endured. Shivers race up your spine as you fall on your shaking knees and pray. You pray that one day a family will reach out to you. You pray that one day just maybe you can be loved, regardless of who the family is, just as long as you can feel love. Millions of same sex couples are ready and willing to provide a happy home for neglected children. However society does not permit this, and so you are still alone, and will be for some time. You continue to pray. The diversity of the world begins with who we are attracted to and who we love. To be ashamed of it, or phobic about it, does not seem very wise at all (Pg 154). Love is love. The undying notion that God made man and women for a reason, has finally died. Who is to say that homosexuality is wrong? Who is to say that the emotions of love cannot be felt by two individual of the same sex? That is pure ignorance. If you are sure about yourself, and the attraction that you posses towards someone else, then nobody has the right to claim that that is unnatural. There are millions of desperate children in the world, bound by foster homes, and without families. These same sex couples have the same stability, love, and support to give a child as a mom and dad. Whose to say that the male versus female relationship is the only correct environment to raise a child? It is to choose to be who you are. It is a choice to defines what you do. I...

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Examples of Petrochemicals and Petroleum Products According to the American Heritage Dictionary, petroleum is a thick, flammable, yellow-to-black mixture of gaseous, liquid, and solid hydrocarbons that occurs naturally beneath the earths surface, can be separated into fractions including natural gas, gasoline, naphtha, kerosene, fuel, and lubricating oils, paraffin wax, and asphalt and is used as raw material for a wide variety of derivative products. In other words, petroleum is much more than oil, and it has an astounding array of uses. The Many Uses of Petrochemicals Petrochemicals are any products made from petroleum. Youre probably aware gasoline and plastic start out as petroleum, but petrochemicals are incredibly versatile and are incorporated into a huge range of products ranging from groceries to rocket fuel. The Primary Hydrocarbons Raw crude oil and natural gas are purified into a  relatively small number of hydrocarbons (combinations of hydrogen and carbon). These are used directly in manufacturing and transportation or act as feedstock  to make other chemicals. Methane: a greenhouse gas that can be used as fuel and is often included in rocket fuelEthylene: used to  make plastics and films, as well as detergents,  synthetic lubricants, and styrenes (used to make  protective packaging)Propylene: a colorless, odorless gas used for fuel and to make polypropylene, a versatile plastic polymer used to make products ranging from carpets to structural foamButanes: hydrocarbon gases that are generally used for fuel and in industryButadiene: used in the manufacture of synthetic rubbersBTX (benzene, toluene, xylene): benzene, toluene, and xylene are aromatic hydrocarbons.  A major part of gasoline, benzene is also used to make nylon fibers which, in turn, are used to make clothing, packaging, and many other products Medicine Petrochemicals play many roles in medicine because they are used to create resins, films, and plastics. Here are just a few examples: Phenol and Cumene are used to create a substance that is essential for manufacturing penicillin (an extremely important antibiotic) and aspirin.  Petrochemical resins are used to purify drugs, thus cutting costs and speeding the manufacturing process.Resins made from petrochemicals are used in the manufacture of drugs including treatments for AIDS, arthritis, and cancer.Plastics and resins made with petrochemicals are used to make devices such as artificial limbs and skin.Plastics are used to make a huge range of medical equipment including bottles, disposable syringes, and much more. Food Petrochemicals are used to make most food preservatives that keep food fresh on the shelf or in a can. In addition, youll find petrochemicals listed as ingredients in many chocolates and candies. Food colorings made with petrochemicals are used in a surprising number of products including chips, packaged foods, and canned or jarred foods. Agriculture More than a billion pounds of plastic, all made with petrochemicals, find use  annually in U.S. agriculture. The chemicals are used to make everything from plastic sheeting and mulch to pesticides and fertilizers. Plastics are also used to make twine, silage, and tubing. Petroleum fuels are also used to transport foods (which are, of course, stored in plastic containers).   Household Products Because it is used to make plastics, fibers, synthetic rubber, and films, petrochemicals are used in a bewildering array of household products. To name just a few: CarpetingCrayonsDetergentsDyesFertilizersMilk jugsPantyhosePerfumeSafety glassShampooSoft contact lensesWax

Analyze, Compare and Contrast Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Analyze, Compare and Contrast - Essay Example When Dexter Filkins Realized what had happened the initial thought she had was that she was in the third world. Dexter Filkins thought that people in the United States would think that it was the end of civilization as the worst has happened. However, Dexter Filkins understood that such things happened in the third world occasionally. In the third world cases such as earthquakes, plagues and famine were common where thousands of people would die. Dexter Filkins also had a similar experience on a bomb attack in Tel Aviv (Hampton, 2007). On the other hand, Katherine Finkelstein experienced the attacks. During the attack, she was in her gym and after the attack she moved to the scene of the attack. She got involved with the some of the survivors and interviewed them. She was scared and at some point she was screaming. Katherine Finkelstein was present when the building collapsed and at some point she was not able to tell what she saw or heard. Her situation was different from Dexter Filkins as things were hectic, and people were running away from the scene. However, she managed to get out of the scene alive and made the effort of writing small notes in her notebook about the events that happened. Her perception was either the world has ended or has changed. Later on Katherine Finkelstein was involved in the rescue operation of the individuals injured at the scene (Roleff, 2003). Both Katherine Finkelstein and Dexter Filkins were journalists. Dexter Filkins indicates that she realized she was not alone in the building as there was a photographer at the scene taking photos. She also indicates that she at one moment thought of the battery of the cell phone as she used to call the station frequently. Both of the journalists also had encounters with the police as there were restricted areas where they could not access. On the case of Katherine Finkelstein she was personally rescued by an FBI agent from the collapsing building (Hampton,

How Authentic And Religious Are Virtual Rituals Essay

How Authentic And Religious Are Virtual Rituals - Essay Example The accessibility of information online has drawn more people to virtual religious places, thus pulling them further away from offline, real-life religion. Connelly attests to this observation when he states that the lack of Buddhist teachers and learning centers, among other factors, has facilitated the growth of an online Buddhist ritual â€Å"Second Life†. Helland views a ritual as an individual or communal engagement undertaken for sacred reasons, which allows a person to have contact with the supernatural. A ritual can also be performed as a form of expressing social cohesion and preserving culture. In terms of social cohesion, Connelly states that through Second Life, feel like they belong to a community in which there are expressive involvements. The problem with online rituals as Helland states is that a person may decide to develop individual religiosity and deviate from what their traditional religious authority prescribes. These cyber rituals allow for some form of religious freedom that some strict religions are not comfortable with. According to Helland this raises the question of authenticity and authority of the people carrying out the rituals and the rituals themselves. Judging by this form of evaluation, Second Life would seem legitimate because, as Connelly states, most of the facilitators are ordained priest in real-life, who lead meditation rituals at Buddha centers.7. That aside, many questions are asked about the authenticity of the symbols found online and the sacredness of online space. The seriousness or level of religiousness of these symbols and the rituals they are used in is what bothers many religious observers. Although many people who are involved in online rituals claim that these rituals are as valid as real-life physical rituals, this issue remains to be a subject of debate. According to Connelly the symbols used in Second Life include donation boxes, statue of Buddha, incense, and meditation cushions8. These symbols, a mong others are a representation of the actual artifacts found at the Buddha Center. Virtual pilgrimages according to Helland are one of the most common points of disagreement between participants and observers9. The fact that such pilgrimages are called â€Å"virtual pilgrimages† makes observers hold the view that they are unreal. Here, it appears that observers measure the authenticity of pilgrimages using physical presence. In essence, this argument holds that a pilgrimage could only be valid if a person went physically to a place that is recognized as sacred by their religion. On the other hand, believers and practitioners of online religion believe that a spiritual journey does not have to bet physical, it can be metaphorical. For example, in addressing silent meditation in Second Life, Connelly states that while participants are meditating online, they are represented by avatars10. These avatars sit cross-legged in a room and they form a semicircle facing the statue of Buddha. Participants in Second Life even prostrate three times before entering the temple, in addition to using such words as â€Å"Namaste† at the final chime, in order to thank the facilitator. Yet, the availability of exceptionally good images and sounds that allows someone to make an electronic pilgrimage inside their head is real to those who believe. Helland states that there are those web developers who take the virtual sacred travels more real by, for example, connect with the actual places. This way, these developers can place sacred words or prayer items that can be read to the online audience during the virtual pilgrimage. In silent meditation, according to Connell

Strengths And Limitations Of Education Campaigns Health Essay

Strengths And Limitations Of Education Campaigns Health Essay To establish the need for education amongst the population and its vital role in reducing HIV transmission. To assess the effectiveness (and thus the strengths and limitations) of various educational campaigns in preventing spread of HIV. To determine the psychological and social factors that may contribute to the effectiveness of such campaigns. During the 1980s and 1990s, the spread of HIV increased dramatically within the UK, however has slowed down over the last 20 years (1). Currently there are approximately 33 million people around the world who are living with HIV, and each year more and more people are being infected (2). There are several methods in place to help prevent the spread of HIV, including interventions for sex workers, treatment of STIs, voluntary counselling and testing and needle exchange programmes (3). However, perhaps one of the most important methods in preventing the spread of the virus is educating the population both as a whole and as individual groups. Once people have the knowledge about how HIV is transmitted and what it is, they are then able to take their own necessary precautions in preventing themselves from getting infected (4). For those already with HIV, educational campaigns can help increase awareness about how to cope and live with the disease as well as showing them how to prevent it s transmission. Generally, educational campaigns naturally tend to focus on at risk groups, such as men who have sex with men, sex workers and intravenous drug users (5, 6). Although this is a sensible approach, it is also important that the campaigns do not exclude the education of many other groups who are not considered directly at risk, such as the elderly (6). This is important as it can increase stigmatisation of the at risk groups, as well as not respecting the fact that HIV is a non discrimative virus and can infect anyone. By taking a detailed look at 4 types of educational campaigns, it is possible to assess the strengths and limitations of each, as well as determining the psychological and social factors that might make a campaign more or less effective. Mass Media Campaigns Mass media campaigns are generally used by governments as a method to dramatically increase general awareness amongst the whole population (2). Many forms of media can be used, for example advertisements on television, internet websites, flyers and posters distributed to each household. This type of educational campaign ensures that everyone has the same awareness of HIV, and can also be used to prompt people into further research for themselves (7). In the 1980s, the UK launched one such campaign, with the slogan: AIDS: Dont die of ignorance (8). This had a great effect in increasing general awareness amongst the whole population, however this type of mass education also has its limitations. The overall effectiveness is difficult to assess, as it is such a general form of education, as well as the fact that it is not the only method of HIV prevention tactics that were put into place at that time (9). Also, it does not target specific behavioural issues that need to be changed and wi th its widespread strategy it also is difficult to reach marginal groups (2). Another aspect that is a major downfall is that it may even increase stigma and discrimination as some early campaigns used fear as the main factor in reducing HIV spread, which caused many people to become fearful of those with HIV (10). It also could have led to a decrease in people getting tested for HIV as they were so worried about the effects, both social as well as physical. If these fear campaigns were focused to specific risk groups, it could cause a major stigmatisation of these people which would encourage the view that if you were not a part of the risk group there was no need to be concerned about HIV (2). HIV education in schools Approximately 1 in 6 new HIV infections in 2008 were among people who were under 15 years old (2). Therefore it is extremely important for young people to be equipped with the knowledge about what HIV is, how it is transmitted, and how they can reduce their risk of becoming infected regardless of whether they are sexually active or not. Schools are an excellent place to increase young peoples awareness as they are so universal and therefore would be able to target a wide audience. Also evidence shows that when targeted at a young age, educational campaigns for health promotion tend to be met more receptively by the young (11). By instilling young people with knowledge about HIV risks and diminishing discrimination against those with HIV at an early age, these ideas and values will be held throughout their lives and aid in the long term decrease in HIV prevalence (12). However there are still some limitations to educational campaigns within schools. The nature of the education may not be universal, as some schools may focus on abstinence-only programmes, which would not teach about safe sex and condom use (12). Since 1997, USA funding has increased in promoting these sorts of programmes within its schools despite studies showing that there is no long term effect on sexual health outcomes (12). Some religious schools across the world also prevent the teaching of safe sex and condom use amongst not only the young but also the general population (2). HIV education in the workplace As well as schools, the workplace is also an ideal place to target a wide audience who would be receptive to detailed information about HIV and its transmission. By increasing awareness about HIV and AIDS within the workplace, people who are both delivering as well as receiving this information would then be able to implement the practices both in their working lives as well as teaching their friends and families (2). There are also many professions that may in fact carry an increased risk of HIV transmission, for example those that work in health care (13). These workers would be at an increased danger of percutaneous injuries and specific education about how to avoid such injuries and what to do in the event of one occurring is vital to preventing the viruss transmission (14). Increased knowledge about the disease would also have the benefit of reducing the stigma surrounding HIV and AIDS and prevent discrimination in the workplace. This type of education, although effective, may not be put into place at every workplace therefore some infections may still occur through lack of awareness. Also stigma and discrimination against those who are infected may also sill exist. HIV and Peer Education Peer education is an excellent way of educating different groups, especially those groups which tend to be marginalised by society (2). It is a way of helping people within these groups to relate to the speaker and to be receptive about the content of discussion (15). As the peer educators are generally from a similar social background as the group, it is therefore a much more relaxed and social way of education. People also may feel a lot more comfortable asking questions about sensitive topics and issues to someone they can relate to and feel more relaxed around (16). Studies have shown that peer education works particularly well with members of society who are at risk of HIV but distrustful of authoritative figures, such as those in prisons (2). This is important as it provides an excellent way of reaching out to those in marginalised groups who need HIV education to increase awareness but may not know how to go about receiving this. As with all the above methods of educational ca mpaigns, peer education would be reliable and accurate, as those who are educating would have undergone recent and relevant training (16). However, peer education may be difficult to set up, and would also be dependant on government support and private organisations and charities setting them up in the first place. Issues such as national discrimination against homosexuals would also reduce the level of education provided, for example in countries such as Zimbabwe, where the president has openly condemned homosexuality (17). Conclusion Although these are not the only types of educational strategies available, each has several strengths and well as a few limitations. The limitations tend to be focused towards a level of stigma and discrimination against those with HIV and a fear of the virus itself by both individuals as well as governments. However it is only with correct understanding and education in the issues surrounding HIV that people can learn to avoid unnecessary infection and respect the fact that HIV is a universal problem and can affect anyone. Education is highly important, however on its own it can only go so far in stopping the spread of HIV. Other methods of harm prevention must also be put into place to ensure that HIV transmission is minimised, for example needle exchange programmes, open clinic testing and accessible condoms would be required (4). Once people understand the social as well as physical factors associated with HIV, they must be able to have places to go that offer support and can help them if they wished to further their knowledge about the virus. In conclusion, educational campaigns must both be widespread to access the population as a whole, as well as targeted to individuals and specific groups in order to change risky behaviours both in the short and long term.

Vietnam Economy

nom Economic Vietnam has during the last two decades developed into a dynamic and fast growing market – also in automobile industry. Economic reforms, membership of WTO since 2007 and an impressive number of foreign investments, the notable increase in GDP, in people’s demand for high quality product and the almost-zero of the domestic automobile industry have led Vietnam to become the potential market for Volkswagen. The global crisis led to a temporary slowdown of Vietnam’s fast economic growth, but growth is back on track with 6. % growth in 2010 and more than 7% per year expected in 2011-2015. Table 1: Vietnam’ GDP real growth rate (%) [pic] Source: Source: General Statistics Office of Vietnam The rate of economic growth has during the last decade amounted to 7-9% per year, amongst the highest recorded growth rates in the world. The GDP per capita is USD 1160 (2010), and an increasing number of Vietnam’s 87 million inhabitants demand consumer pr oducts of higher quality. Table 2: Vietnam’s GDP per capital (US$) [pic] Source: General Statistics Office of Vietnam However, the average income in Vietnam is still fairly low in comparison with the company price (about†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.. cai nay lay so lieu ben product nhe, to k tim duoc). According to â€Å"Background note of Vietnam† recorded by U. S Department of State in http://www. state. gov, Vietnam’s per capita income in 2010 was just $1,168 one person per year. Whereas, imported cars in Vietnam have to suffer upto 3 kinds of duty, including: Import Duty, Extra Duty, and Value Added Tax. Regardless of how strict Vietnam taxation policy is, the accession agreement which was compulsory for Vietnam to become WTO’s member in 2007 obliged Vietnam to lower its import tariffs and to welcome foreign investments in most commercial sectors of the economy. Certain sectors are partly protected against foreign competition in an interim period, but from 2012 respectively 2014 all sectors of the economy must welcome foreign goods and services as well as investors on an equal footing with local companies and investors. Therefore, we totally hope that in the upcoming period, such a 200% tariff for exported cars will not exist. Vietnam automobile market is not that big but it sees a potential signal. According to General Statistics Office of Vietnam [ http://www. gso. gov. vn/default. aspx? tabid=393&idmid=3&ItemID=11605 to k biet trich nguon ntn cho dung voi Harvard form ca T_T], the demand for imported cars, especially types of fewer than 9 seats which makes of approximately 70% in total, keeps increasing remarkably, from 21279 units in 2005 to 51059 in 2008 and reach the number of about 80410 in the last year. Whereas the domestic automobile industry seems to not improve at all. Until now, the domestic company still can not produce even one car. Vietnam  now has 10 automobile JVs including one 100 % foreign-owned enterprise (GM Daewoo), one domestic manufacturer (Truong Hai). The manufacturers make vehicles of 17 world brands: Fiat, Sangyong, PMC, Mazda, Kia, Chevrolet, Daewoo, Mitsubishi, Mercedes Benz, Suzuki,  Toyota, Isuzu, Ford, Hino, Hyundai (trucks, bus), Chery and Honda. In this moment, Volkswagen is one of more then 10 brands having distribution channel in. These brands include BMW (Euro Auto), Audi, Porsche (PSC), Hyundai (Thanh Cong), Lifan (Bao Toan), Chrysler (IC Auto), Subaru (MIV), Dong Feng,  Ã‚  MAN (VMC) and Fiat – Alfa Romeo (Mekong Auto), who are all considerable competitors. It is a great opportunity for the company to dominate Vietnam market but also a challenge when our products are almost kind of high quality with high price.